Total Pageviews

Saturday, September 12, 2015

Down East: Maine Stove Inventors and their Inventions, 1820-1850 {TBA}

Maybe it's just the completist in me, or the fact that it is raining, or something, but I have decided that the survey of the coming of the "stove revolution" to northern New England, covered in the last few posts, might as well get finished.  I already have a base map of inventors' places of residence -- not sure about the "red smoking factory" icon, may change it.


What does this seem to indicate?  That Maine's stove inventors lived in towns and small cities along the coast and inland transport routes in the more developed south and west of the state is immediately obvious, and entirely predictable.  But it will be necessary to dig up more information about who they were, what they did, and of course what they (thought that they had) invented, before anything like a "conclusion" can be reached.

* * * 

First, though, an outline of the state's population history is necessary, given that (particularly in the case of New Hampshire) the low rate of new household formation during the crucial decades when northern New Englanders were adopting the new technology for cooking and heating impresses me as such an important possible explanation for the difficulties local inventors had in successfully transforming good ideas for stoves into profitable local businesses in stove making and selling.

Maine's share of the total U.S. population peaked, at 3.2 percent, in 1810.  Thereafter, its relative importance was fairly stable for the three decades under scrutiny here -- still 2.9 percent in 1840, then falling sharply.  What this points to is something quite distinctive about Maine's population history, in northern New England terms at least: it was still experiencing rapid rates of growth and therefore new household formation (30 percent in the 1810s; 34 percent, the national average, in the 1820s; 26 percent in the 1830s; and only then declining steadily towards stagnation).  Maine, at least, was still a semi-frontier economy, lacking the infrastructure for manufacturing consumer durable goods but not, to the same extent as in New Hampshire and Vermont at least, the households to absorb them.

But by mid-century Maine had come into line with its neighbors to the west -- population growth falling to 16 percent in the 1840s, 8 percent in the 1850s, and nothing in the 1860s.   (For comparison: New Hampshire: 12 percent, 3 percent, -2 percent; Vermont: 8 percent, zero, 4 percent.)   After about 1840, all three northern New England states also turned quite decisively into consumers of appliances made elsewhere, rather than producers of new stoves themselves, or ideas for them -- on the fringe of the manufacturing economy, their needs supplied from its core.

By the early 1870s, when the stove industry was at its zenith, these three states, with 3.3 percent of the nation's population, only counted seven small stove makers and one medium-to-large one, whose joint annual production capacity was just 2.3 percent of the national total.  Given that almost all of the industry was located in the old industrial belt, stretching from the Southwest Maine-New Hampshire-Massachusetts coast as far west as the Mississippi and as far south as the Ohio, northern New England's underrepresentation was even greater:
O.E. Sheridan           Highgate, VT     280

Cole Bugbee & Co.        Lebanon, NH     450
B.J. Cole & Co.        Lakeville, NH     425
William P. Ford & Co.    Concord, NH     600
Harrison Eaton           Amherst, NH     275

Somerset Machine Co. Great Falls, NH   3,000

Hinkley & Rollins         Bangor, ME     450
Wood Bishop & Co.         Bangor, ME     275

Total:                                  5,755 Tons
There was a significant New England stove industry, but it was mostly in Massachusetts (13 firms, capacity 14,650 tons), Connecticut (6 firms, 7,255 tons), and Rhode Island (3 firms, 2,250 tons).  Apart from these, northern New England's stove-dependent populations depended on buying the appliances they needed from the great national firms in the Hudson Valley and, to a lesser extent, south-eastern Pennsylvania (Philadelphia and the Lower Schuylkill Valley).  Whether in terms of the production of goods or of ideas, northern New England had become quite marginal in its importance, quite a comedown from the 1820s and 1830s when Vermont, in particular, had been a site of (for its time) comparatively large-scale production, and significant innovations and innovators, notably John Conant and Henry Stanley.

Maine never produced any inventor or maker who figured as prominently in the history of the stove industry as did either of these men, or even Thomas Woolson of New Hampshire. By the time that Maine merchants, artisans, and others began to join the growing list of stove patentees, the parade had already moved on.  They were living on the fringes of the market, and of the emerging manufacturing belt, right from the start.



Maine Stove Patents and their Patentees:

The list is quite long, but it will not detain us for very long, because so many of the pre-1836 patents were consumed by fire and never restored.  Nothing survives from before 1835, and only one of that year's nine Maine cooking and heating appliance patents.  1836 is better -- five from nine.  What this seems to indicate is that few of Maine's stove (etc.) patentees were able or could be bothered to respond to the Patent Office's invitation to restore their patents, which suggests that some or even most of them were of little commercial value.  In some cases summaries of the text of lost patents survive, together with an expert (usually dismissive) commentary on them, all written by Thomas P. Jones, former Patent Office official, then editor of the Franklin Institute's prestigious Journal, the main instrument for communicating news about technology across America, and eventually one of the first professional patent agents.  But in too many cases there is nothing much at all to rely on, apart from some biographical detail in local histories and genealogical works.

Winslow, Nathan. Portland. Cooking Stove. X3200. 1820.    Burnt.

Nathan Winslow was the pioneer stove merchants trading in the Maine market.  Winslow (1785-1861) was a Quaker who became a strong, generous supporter of Garrisonian abolitionism -- he and his wife were the original financial backers for The Liberator.  The fact that he was a Quaker also connected him into the coastwise trading networks of his Philadelphia co-religionists who dominated the manufacture of stoves for the seaboard market in their furnaces in southern New Jersey and south-eastern Pennsylvania.  In 1823 he operated what was described as a "stove factory and hardware" business, but in this case "factory" still had its pre-industrial meaning: Winslow's premises on the corner of Middle and Federal Streets were where he "factored" stoves.  There was only one other firm in the city doing a similar business: Eleazar Wyer & Joseph Noble, who also ran a stove factory and sold "fancy goods" (imported textiles).  Wyer was a silversmith, Noble a coppersmith and brass founder, who had gone into partnership to run a stove wholesale business in 1821.  Fortunately some of the correspondence of both firms survives among the business papers of their suppliers, Samuel Gardiner Wright and David Cooper Wood, owners of the Delaware Furnace in Millsboro and the Millville Furnace just across the Delaware estauary in New Jersey.  So it is possible to know something about the operations of the first traders bringing iron stoves to the booming Maine market, with its 300,000 people.

Winslow and Wyer & Noble were already doing plenty of trade in the early 1820s.  Winslow, for example, supplied the state with a "Stove, Funnel, Carpets, and Mason Work for the Senate Chamber" in 1821; Wyer & Noble repaired the Court House stove and funnel in the same year.  They did not just buy the stove plates Wright and Wood supplied, assembling and finishing them in their own workshops, they also sent the blast furnace operators patterns and clear instructions about what would and would not sell in the Maine market.  There were few direct sailings between Philadelphia and Portland, a distance of more than 500 miles by sea, and no scheduled packets in the early 1820s, so stove plates, patterns, etc., were sent via intermediary merchants -- James Wilson in New York, Moses Pond in Boston -- who were also Friends, and lived in cities with regular shipping routes to and from Philadelphia.

At the end of November 1824, for example, Wyer & Noble placed an order for about a thousand stoves (100 tons @ $60 a ton) for the 1825 season; Winslow's for 1823 was about the same size.  They were almost all Franklins of one sort or another -- i.e. iron fireplaces, with or without doors turning them into semi-closed stoves -- together with Factory and Church stoves (probably large 6-plate stoves, without ovens because they were just for space heating), Cabouses for cooking onboard ships, and 6-plate box stoves for heating ordinary rooms.  Only 40 of them were cooking stoves. 

Of course, this is just a snapshot of one firm's estimate of what it could sell in the local market, but it seems representative of what both of them were providing and what their customers wanted.  (Interestingly, a fair proportion of Franklins were ordered with grates, implying that they were for use with coal as well as wood -- bituminous coal imported from Virginia, or from Britain, was becoming increasingly common in the seaboard cities even before the coming of anthracite a little later.) 

Wyer & Noble's business letterhead provides the best illustration of the most important and typical item in both companies' stock-in-trade:

See https://www.mainememory.net/artifact/100190 for a very similar Winslow stove, c. 1830

The trade was very seasonal: many of both firms' customers were upcountry, and they wanted their new stoves after the harvest, when they had still some cash, or goods to barter, but before winter, when stoves were increasingly viewed as essential, but transporting several hundred pounds of cast iron by river and then the last few miles by road became impossible.  In November 1822, for example, Wyer & Noble pressed Wright for one last shipment in the season: "a reason we are so earnest is that many places we have engaged to supply will soon be closed with ice & we shall loose (sic) the sale of them & prevent our introducing them in places where they are not known."

We will never know what exactly Winslow's cooking stove was like, but the best guess is that it was only very slightly different from other cooking stoves available at the same time -- a 9-plate (sometimes still called a 10, for historic reasons) with an oven and one or more boiler holes in the top.  The demand for them was not large in the early 1820s, but it was beginning to grow, and enough for it to have seemed worthwhile to Winslow to make a small improvement and to try to protect it with a patent.

Graham, Asa. Rumford. Building Stoves & Chimneys. X7345. 1832. Burnt.           

Graham (b. 1797) was a Rumford innkeeper.  There is no mention of stoves in the Rumford town history.

Carlisle, Josiah C. Chesterville. X7545. Oven. 1833. Burnt.
Summarized by the editor of the Journal of the Franklin Institute, rather sniffily -- "This oven, we suppose, is to be built of brick, or stone; the lower part of it forms a fireplace something like that of a common stove, with an oven above it. The covering of this fireplace forms the floor of the oven, which is to be built above it in the usual arched manner; the arch, however, is to be thin, and is to have flues leading spirally over it, and terminating in a chimney. There is no claim made, and if we understand the thing, we do not believe that many persons will wish to interfere with the novelties of the invention."

Cayford, John E. Milburn. Fire-place or Stove. X7920. 1833. Burnt.           
Another provincial "invention" impressing Thomas P. Jones as no invention at all -- "The object in view in this patent is the construction of an open fireplace, for cooking, and heating rooms, by means of a small quantity of fuel; and we are told of many things which may be done in furtherance of this object; as, for example, that the fireplace may be made of cast or sheet iron, or of brick, or in part of one, and in part of another of these materials; and that there may be an oven, &c. &c. Among the things most important to be told in a specification, however, is what the patentee has invented; a thing, it is true, very frequently omitted; sometimes, no doubt, because the necessity of it is unknown, and sometimes because it would be impossible, which, it must be confessed, is a pretty good reason, and one that, we think, would fully apply in the case before us."  Cayford was a saw and grist miller.

Quimby, Daniel. Calais. Ventilating Stove. X8126. 1834. Burnt.
Ditto -- "The patentee claims 'the ventilating; apartments by air passing between, and in contact with, sheets of heated iron, or some other metal that will withstand fire,' a claim about as valid as the ventilating them by perforating them for doors and windows. The plan proposed of carrying this principle into effect is so old, that the period of its invention, and the name of its inventor, are both lost among the records of 'auld lang syne.' It consists in making a stove with double plates, the fire being contained in the inner box, and air admitted through a tube, or tubes, into the space between the two, and conducted off by others, as required."  Daniel Quimby was a physician, with some college education.

Tongue, Richard R. Fryburg. Improved Oven. X8363. 1834. Burnt.
Ditto. "An oven made of sheet iron, and set into a chimney jamb, in the manner well known, and long practised both in England, and with us, is shown in the drawing. and alluded to, but by no means described, in the specification; very properly, however, there is no claim made."

Abbott, Andrew. Portland. Cooking Stove. 1835. Burnt.           
No information about patent or patentee.

Rogers, Robert.    S. Berwick. Steam-heater for Buildings.    1835. Burnt.
Ditto. "This apparatus, we are informed, produces radiated heat, steam heat, and heated air at the same time, which are conjointly to be employed in the heating of buildings. The stove or furnace part may be said to consist of three concentric cylindrical vessels; the innermost of these is a circular pipe, like a stove pipe, which U to receive cold air at its lower end, below the ash pit; its upper end supplying lateral pipes with heated air at any convenient height above the fire chamber. This pipe, to the height of the fire chamber, is surrounded by a double cylindrical boiler which forms the inner wall of that chamber. The fire chamber is formed by a second double cylindrical boiler, placed at a proper distance from the former, and of the same height with it, and which is also the outer wall of the chamber, occapying the place of the ordinary lining of a cylinder stove; the grate bars and ash pit are formed as usual, and there are cold water and steam tabes leading into the boilers. The smoke pipe surrounds the air pipe, being reduced in its diameter by the conical form given to the stove above the fireplace.

The patentee believes that this stove will be very economical, producing a very large portion of heat from a small quantity of fuel, and as he does not point out any particular part of it as his invention, he appears to think that the whole arrangement is new; this, however, is a mistake, concentric cylindrical boilers forming the walls of the fire chamber having been repeatedly employed. Had we time to dwell upon it we could easily point out what we consider as great practical objections to the contrivance."

Gerrish, Ansel. Shapleigh. Chimney funneled Fire-place. X8616. 1835. Burnt.

Unfortunately Thomas Jones does not seem to have taken any notice of this patent. Gerrish (b. 1804) was a Methodist Epsicopal minister and, by the time he took out this patent, a physician.  At some point he became an investor in local water-power rights and other property.  He actually managed to sell (assign) his patent on the 2nd of  January 1836 to Frederick Ansel Wood for the impressive sum of $500 for its full term of fourteen years, and that only gave Wood exclusive rights within the County of York, and the towns of Acton, N. and S. Berwick and Berwick and Lebanon.  Wood was a local businessman with diverse interests, particularly (though much later) in wood products.


Bailey, John & William C. Farmington. Kitchen Boiler. X8830. 1835. 126/513.


The first surviving Maine patent for a cooking or heating appliance "improvement" was for a water heater to fit into an ordinary wood-fueled fireplace.  It was a copper or other metal cylinder about 12" long by 5-6" diameter, capable of heating a 6-12 gallon cistern of water hot enough to do the family washing.  The Baileys claimed three great advantages for their device: convenience and fuel economy in water heating, and also the ability to use steam generated for cooking purposes, potatoes in particular.  Thomas Jones did not report on and evaluate this patent in the Franklin Institute Journal, and I cannot find out much about the Baileys apart from the fact that they were (probably) farmers and sons of one of Farmington's leading citizens.  Farmington was a township of about 400 people, "destitute of water power, and situated ... far from water communication."  It is hard to see why the Baileys thought there was anything very patentable in their simple device.

Pollard, Samuel. Bucksport. Construction and application of Oven. X8887. 1835. Burnt.
No information.

Rogers, Robert. S. Berwick. Warming Buildings by Radiated and Steam Heat. X8962. 1835. Burnt.
No information, apart from the fact that this may have been (one of) the first steam-heating patents in the U.S.

Greely, Ebenezer S. Dover. Fire-place. X9139. 1835. Burnt.           
Greely was a local law officer, b. 1797, and helped to trigger the Aroostook War of 1838-9 between American settlers and the British authorities in disputed border territory.  According to Pierce, Fire on the Hearth, p. 237, his was a cast-iron fireplace, but I do not know what her source for that claim was, and cannot verify it.  

Sutherland, David. Lisbon. Stove or Fire-place. X9221. 1835. 126/500           
No information.

Douglass, Joshua S. Durham. Cooking Stove & Fire-place. X9238. 1835. Burnt.           
Joshua Douglas or Douglass (b. 1794) was a local farmer and "an excellent man, a worthy minister of the Society of Friends."

Pollard, Samuel. Orono. Oven. X9349. 1836. Burnt.
No information.

Kendrick, Cyrus & Elwell, William. Gardiner. Stove or Fire-place. X9433. 1836. Burnt.

Thomas P. Jones wrote: "A hollow box of iron is placed across the back of the fire place, with a tube from one end of it leading into a cellar, or other place, for a supply of cold air, the other end being furnished with a tube to conduct the heated air into the room; this latter tube is to pass to some distance up the chimney, where it is to be elbowed, so as to admit the heated air into the room; and the patentees say, 'what we specifically claim as our improvement, and for which we ask an exclusive right, is the making of, and applying a box, cistern, or cockle, as above described, to a common fire place, fire frame, or stove, for the purpose of heating, or warming, rooms.'
This plan is equally old, and inefficient. Would it not be well to add a dog wheel, or some other motive power, to force air through the tube by means of a blowing apparatus?"

Kendrick (b. 1788) was a grocer, a former school teacher, and a prominent citizen -- a leading Mason, Moderator and Selectman in 1837, who continued in local office for years afterwards.  Elwell (b. 1802) was the owner of the 122-ton schooner "Adventure."  Whatever the originality, success, or otherwise of their joint patent may have been, Elwell, at least had a career as a repeat inventor ahead of him, with a Fly-Trap in 1859 and an Earth Pulverizer (agricultural harrow) in 1865.  The commercial fate of these ideas might be traceable in the Patent & Trademark Office's assignment records, supposing that anybody could have been bothered to buy the right to use them.

Prescott, William Richards. Hallowell. Fire-place. X9522. 1836. Burnt.           
No information about the patent, but Prescott (b. 1805) was a founder member of the Hallowell Mechanic Association, established in 1833 "for the purposes of taking measures for the improvement of mechanics as a class or body of men, and making provision for the relief of unfortunate members and of the families of deceased members."  He became an executive committee member of the Maine Anti-Slavery Society (if he's the same William, that is).  Twenty years later he was still recorded as a local stove dealer.


Russell, Nathaniel. Waterville. Cooking Stove. X9656. 1836. 126/1R.


Pay dirt at last!  Russell's was a fully realized cooking stove of an identifiable type that had become popular in more mature markets (like New York's) a few years earlier -- what was called, for obvious reasons, an "Oven Franklin," i.e. a familiar-looking free-standing iron fireplace with the by-then traditional brass-ball decorations on its mantel, but also with a proper oven set behind it, and four boiler holes in the top plate.  It had an open fire with a grate capable of burning coal or wood, and the usual damper-controlled flue system wrapping around the oven to equalize the temperature within it.  The fire front could be closed with a sheet-iron "blower," rendering it somewhat more efficient and stove-like.  As was also quite usual for stove inventors tinkering with minor improvements to established stove types, Russell's claims were appropriately modest, and confined to his oven flue arrangements.  He does not show up in local histories, and vital facts about him [?] available online are very sparse and quite unhelpful.


Higgins, Charles. Turner. Cooking Stove. X9695. 1836. 126/1R.


Another Oven Franklin, making even fewer claims than Russell's -- a very generic stove.  Higgins, b. 1784 [?], does not figure in the town history.  Turner had a foundry meeting local needs from about 1820, but no recorded stove and tinware shop before 1850.


Shaw, Thomas. North Yarmouth. Cooking Stove. X9776. 1836. 126/506.


Another Oven Franklin, with a cooking crane in the fireplace to make it more useful and familiar to cooks converting from open hearth cookery, and still equipped with the old round-bottomed and footed pots. Shaw's device, well drawn though it was, was actually even more primitive and transitional than Russell's or Higgins's -- just two boilers, and the smoke-pipe C emerging in a place that suited a "fire-frame" (an alternative term for the kind of Open Franklin that was really just an iron fireplace) but quite inconvenient if you needed to cook on the stove top behind it.  Shaw's stove had a grate, and was explicitly intended for wood or coal, though cord wood was cheap in town, and fuel economy or efficiency not a priority.  Shaw was a skilled North Yarmouth carpenter who died in 1838.


Buck, Renton. Acton. Cooking Fire-place. X9820. 1836. 126/506.

Not worth depicting or even describing at length, given that the text is barely legible, and the fire-place itself, though something that Buck had evidently made and used, was nothing more than an amateur's "bright idea" for making open-fire cooking a little more efficient (he thought).

Pitts, J. A. Winthrop. Heating Rooms and Ovens. X9891. 1836. Burnt.


Winslow, Nathan. Portland. Pendulum Grate. X9900. 1836. 126/152R.


In contrast to Buck's, Winslow's was a thoroughly modern and practicable device -- what would later be termed a "shaking and dumping" grate, an essential feature of an effective coal stove, in which the fire needed to be separated from the ashes accumulating within it.  Winslow's drawing shows his grate fitted into a cylindrical heating stove of the kind that, presumably, he was selling at the time.  Winslow still described himself as a "merchant" rather than as a manufacturer.  He and his brothers had a significant career as inventors and entrepreneurs ahead of them, successfully developing the technology for food canning into a major business from the 1840s on.  It is appropriate, or maybe just interesting, that Winslow should have been both the first and last patentee of improved cooking and heating appliances in the old, pre-Fire series of patents from Maine.


Leavitt, John S. Turner. Cooking Stove. 370. 1837. 126/18.



Recognizable as a free-standing cook stove, but one of very peculiar construction -- essentially an open iron fireplace (fire-frame or Franklin) y with flaring jambs, E, attached to a more conventional closed stove with a separate fire-box S, oven D, and boiler holes H I L M O, the latter rather inconveniently arranged over three levels.  Leavitt's design was clearly intended for users only just adjusting to cooking on a closed stove, and still hankering after the traditional open fire in the kitchen: "As many people are desirous of seeing the fire, or prefer an open fireplace to sit by, a fire may be put into the fire place Y whenever necessary or in evenings."  The oven and upper boiler holes could be heated by the open fire as well as by the enclosed stove fire.  This device would certainly have worked; whether it was made, or sold, is another matter, but what is most interesting about it, as with the earlier Oven Franklins, is what it says about the preferences of the Maine market, or at least about how these inventors perceived them.  Thomas P. Jones was typically sharp in his summary of this provincial amateur's work: Leavitt's "combination and arrangement [of fireplace and stove] differ sufficiently to sustain the claim for a patent; but as to points of superiority, we have nothing to say, as the drawing and description do not render their existence very manifest."  Leavitt did not have long to find out, as he died in 1838.


Parshley, Ebenezer L. & Furbish, Benjamin. Brunswick. Cooking Stove. 566. 1838. 126/1AE.


The first cooking stove patented in Maine that looked as if its inventors were familiar with the state of the art.  It was a conventional square cooking stove with four boilers arranged over two levels, and a downdraft-flue oven so designed as to address the usual desiderata: stopping the plates between the fire-box and the oven burning out, and preventing hot and cool spots in the oven by the flue arrangements.  Parshley and Furbish were evidently experienced, though probably small-scale or custom stovemakers:


Furbish (1807-1873) had set up as a tinware manufacturer in 1835 -- Brunswick had a continuous series of tinsmiths doing business there since 1821.  But, like many other country tinsmiths, he added the sale of stoves to his original trade, and would have been able to get the parts for the stoves he manufactured cast locally, as Brunswick also had an iron foundry.  Furbish's Greek Revival house (built 1836-1840) still stands in Brunswick, but he is more remembered for his daughter, Kate Furbish, botanist and botanical illustrator.  His papers are in the local historical societyParshley (1801-1865) was a local general merchant and school teacher.


Shepard, William A. Waterville. Cooking Stove. 2213. 1841. 126/67.


With Shepard we are back in the world of the amateur inventor with a bright idea -- in his case, for a heating stove that could do some cooking in its elevated oven and also serve as a cheap, small-scale furnace for warm-air heating.  There was nothing much wrong with it, in principle -- Americans had placed heat exchangers on top of stoves since the Pennsylvania Germans' "heating drum" on the stovepipe, for warming upstairs rooms.  The design of stoves like this was based on the "caloric" theory of heat, and the purpose was to extract as much of it as possible and make it useful.  The theory was wrong, but that didn't make heat exchangers based on them any less effective.  What was wrong with Shepard's design was that most American, and certainly most Maine, stove buyers were looking, in the first instance, for a good cooking stove; if they could squeeze some more thermal efficiency out of it, and warm another room with a heating drum, without compromising the stove's effectiveness for cooking, they might buy.  What Shepard had designed, however, was a heating stove too plain and ugly to sit in the parlor, if there was one, but with too little cooking capacity to earn its living in the kitchen.  It is difficult to see what kind of consumer he imagined might decide they needed the device he had produced.  The text of Shepard's stove makes it sound like something between a working prototype -- "I make" -- and a half-baked idea -- "I contemplate."  But he paid Thomas P. Jones, by then a professional patent agent, to prepare and file it for him.  It is no more than yet another interesting curiosity.  Part of that curiosity is the shape -- this inverted-bread-pan shape, and the half-octagonal hearth, are features of some versions of the classic Shaker heating stove.  But I can find no biographical data about him to explain why he may have made this particular design.


Mitchell, Reuben. Portland. Apparatus for Heating Buildings. 2550. 1842. 126/509.


Mitchell was a Portland merchant and bank cashier.  What he invented was a world away from the sort of simple cooking and heating equipment patented by his small-town contemporaries and predecessors.  It was for multi-story urban houses and business offices burning coal in fireplaces.  "As grates for the combustion of coal are now generally arranged, they have an opening formed in the hearth directly beneath them, through which the ashes and cinders fall or are sifted into an ash pit, which is a rectangular or other proper shaped brick chamber constructed in the cellar."  Mitchell used this ash chute as a fresh-air feed to his rather grand iron fireplaces on upper floors.  The illustration above is of one of these fireplaces, with its glazed, sliding doors turning the fire into a semi-closed stove.  Figure 4 of Mitchell's patent is a cross-section of one of these fireplaces, showing how the hot gaseous products of combustion ("smoke") circulated through the hollow spaces within its castings, turning the whole thing into a radiator and much more efficient heating device than an open fire.


Hartshorn, Oliver S. & Payson, Henry M., and Ring, Aaron.  Portland. Combined Stove. 4732. 1846. 126/58.


A very functional (i.e. plain and unadorned) space heater, with a coal-fired furnace C on top of a common sheet-iron wood-burning heating stove A.  The smoke-pipes are at the rear; the vertical columns D would also increase the device's efficiency by transferring heat into the room.  This stove looks like one that was both made and used, but whether it was bought is another story.  Aaron Ring was a serial inventor and litigant, who (like Nathan Winslow) moved away from stove design into food-canning and other ideas in the 1840s.  By his own account, he was the actual inventor of the stove, which Hartshorn and Payson had bought from him.  Hartshorn was in a good position to try to sell it: he was one of at least eight stove and caboose dealers in Portland by mid-century [pp. 73, 76, 94, 111, 150, 261-2, 334-7].  Payson ran a hardware store in the city from 1846 until he went bankrupt in 1849 and left town to pursue an eventually much more successful new career, so when he bought his share of Ring's design he must at least have expected to be able to make money on it. 

Unfortunately there is no evidence about how long or successfully the attempt to sell this stove continued.  In Hartshorn's advertisement in the city directory for 1850 the stove he chose to advertise was a much more conventional, and presentable, type.  Interestingly, all of the stoves that other Portland dealers advertised were also bought-in designs, emphasizing that, even as the Maine stove market had matured, it had become simply an offshoot of the national market, with few distinctive or home-grown designs.

This is the message of the 1856 Maine Register, and Business Directory too: the state was by then full of stove and tinware dealers (130) and iron dealers and founders (65), some of whom had specialized in stove making.  But the only two display advertisements were for a leading national firm (Chilson of Boston) and the most important maker in Maine, Wood & Bishop of Bangor.  Wood & Bishop did have some stoves which were probably their own design, or at least that they had bought in and rebranded to appeal to local consumers (e.g. the Our State Cooking Stove, the Penobscot Air Tight and the Penobscot Valley).  But the designs they chose to illustrate were definitely bought in: Henry Stanley's Green Mountain cooking stove, and the Roger Williams from Rhode Island.

T.B.A.


Well, what is to be added?

(a) A problem with the Maine patents is that -- I am sure -- they give even less of an impression of what was being sold and used within the state than the Vermont or New Hampshire lists.  But working out what was in the market -- from the evidence of advertisements, in particular -- is difficult.  From New Hampshire, we have evidence about the local production and, in the 1830s, consumption of stoves designed by Woolson, Skinner, and Moore, in particular.  From Vermont, we have something even better -- evidence, including archival, about the two most important inventors and entrepreneurs (John Conant and Henry Stanley), and abundant newspaper coverage (mostly dealers' advertisements) of the developing market for stoves, as Vermont turned, between the 1830s and 1840s, from a net producer to a net consumer of stoves and stove designs.  But for Maine there seems to be nothing apart from the patents themselves and whatever scraps of information can be extracted from local histories, except for the surviving correspondence from two Portland stove merchants for the 1820s and 1830s.  There are hardly any city or town directories; and as with New Hampshire, there are no free online newspaper collections.  What is to be done?  Either nothing, or I'll just have to bite the bullet and subscribe to an online newspaper archive (probably Genealogy Bank, which seems to have the best collection).

(b) Even in the absence of this sort of contemporary evidence -- and it's obvious that there's going to be so much stuff there that I won't be able to resist the temptation for ever -- there are conclusions I can reach about what the patents, such as they are, tell us: about the character of patentees; about the nature of what they invented (or more usually "invented"); about what this tells us about the transition from open-fire to stove use in northern New England.  Maine seems to me to have generated even fewer viable patents than either of its neighbours -- Winslow's, Parshley & Furbish's, and perhaps Hartshorn, Payson, & Ring's, all of them produced by or for stove dealers, are about the only candidates.

(c) This applies to all three states: it's worth thinking about the predominance of cooking stoves, especially those for wood fuel, among the devices patented, and known to have been sold.  This is not surprising, but it is interesting that there is such a bias among inventors, especially in the 1830s, towards one stove type, the flip side of which is their almost entire absence of attention to categories of stoves preoccupying inventors in different areas of the north-east (notably the Philadelphia region, the Hudson Valley, and the cities along the north share of Long Island Sound).

Friday, August 28, 2015

Vermont Stove Inventors, Inventions, and their Makers, 1817-1850 {TBA}

This map shows (a) with a black diamond, the locations of Vermont's blast furnaces and foundries making stoves in the 1830s (a list that I may be able to extend -- at the moment, it's just an 1831 list plus the Tyson Furnace, blown in in 1837), and (b) with a red square, the places where Vermont's 37 stove patents 1817-1850 were taken out.


What it depicts is very different from the New Hampshire map, and much more like the normal US pattern in terms of both the location of invention and the relationship between invention and the development of manufacturing and commercial activity.  Vermont stove patents were usually taken out by people associated with the state's stove-making iron furnaces and foundries, or by people connected with the stove trade and living in the state's major towns and commercial centers, notably along the Connecticut River valley.  In the 1830s, in particular, we also see the emergence of repeat or "professional" inventors, of whom the most important was Henry Stanley of Poultney,  connected with what were for the time major businesses; and most of the stove patents that survive seem to have translated into commercial products that were advertised and sold.  Also evidence of some inventors' professionalism, and of their patents' value, is the way they worked the patent system, using disclaimers, extensions, and reissues to protect and maximize the value of their work.  Vermont stove inventors and makers had a much larger market to operate in because, thanks to the Champlain Canal, by the end of the 1820s they were able to export to the west via the Erie Canal and the Great Lakes, or down the Hudson River to the ocean and the cities of the Atlantic seaboard and their hinterlands, as well as up into Canada.  It was an entirely different environment for invention and enterprise than Woolson, Skinner, and their New Hampshire artisan contemporaries faced. 


[TBA]


Guernsey, Chauncey. Poultney. Fire-place & stove. X1961. 1813. Burnt.     
Guernsey was a Poultney woollen manufacturer.

Salisbury, William. Derby. Fire-place. X2829. 1817. Burnt.            

Rice, John. Hartland. Stove, fire-place, & oven. X2877. 1817. Burnt.            

Keyes, Israel. Putney. Stove, Cooking. X3176. 1820. Burnt.            

Hitchcock, Lemuel. Weathersfield. Stove & fire-place. X3516. 1822. Burnt.     Kept a store.     

Jones, Caleb. Burlington. Stove-pipes, Mode of making. X3682. 1823. Burnt.

A silversmith and watch-maker.

 
Conant, John. Brandon. Stove, Cooking. X3788. 1823. Burnt.

Conant was the first Vermont stove inventor who left much of a trace in the historical record.  Here's what I wrote about him in Chapter 2 of my book manuscript:


John Conant ... both served and stimulated the increasing demand for stoves in upcountry New England. More than half a century after their invention, Conant's stoves were remembered by Vermont's pioneer historian, Abby M. Hemenway (b. 1828), who grew up in a farm family forty miles south of Brandon, as
the wonder of the farmer's kitchen, [which] sold in all the villages around and abroad, till the more convenient 'rotary' came in for competition [in the mid- to late 1830s]. It was the first stove we ever saw -- our father bought one and brought [it] home as a surprise; -- and never was anything brought into the house that created such an interest, it was the inauguration of a new era in the culinary kingdom -- the pleasant old fire-place with the swinging crane of well filled pots and kettles, hearth-spiders with legs and bake-kettles and tin-bakers to stand before the blazing logs and bake custard pies in – all went down at once and disappeared before that first stove, without so much as a passing struggle.1

Conant, b. 1773 in Ashburnham, northern Massachusetts, was a carpenter and joiner by training, who came to the backwoods settlement of Brandon, 120 miles away to the north-west, in 1796. Conant's business was the exploitation of the region's abundant natural resources – he acquired all of the village's water-power rights, built grist mills, and produced whisky and, from the surrounding forests, large quantities of potash for sale. In 1810 rich deposits of bog iron were discovered in the neighborhood, which his father-in-law attempted unsuccessfully to smelt. Conant saved his enterprise from failure, going into partnership with him and building a blast furnace in 1820, “an undertaking which at that time was deemed one of great hazard; but he persevered with characteristic energy and judgment, and with complete success.”2

Key to this triumph was that he provided the furnace with a value-adding product, and rapidly succeeded with the same business model that was failing for Hoxie at the same time [making stoves at a country blast furnace for local sale -- HJH]. They made about 100 tons of castings in their first year, enough for about 6-800 stoves, a level of output that started out more than ten times higher than Hoxie's best and grew steadily. Conant's cook-stove was modeled on William James's [x-reference needed], but improved to suit the needs of the farm families who would be its buyers. It had a third large boiling hole (for griddles and wash-boilers) behind the main body of the stove which could have its own small independent fire, providing useful flexibility – the household could continue to rely on it in summer without having to overheat the kitchen or move the stove outside. He also rearranged the boiling holes either side of the oven so that they did not reduce its size so much, and were nearer the fire. 

Quality of manufacture was as essential to Conant's success as simplicity and appropriateness of design. An expert observer, Professor Frederick Hall of nearby Middlebury College, was impressed: he had “seldom seen castings, which were so perfect.” “[P]atent stoves” constituted “the chief business of the establishment” from its inception, and were “in so much demand, that they are disposed of as fast as they can be manufactured.”3


Figure 2.12A: “Stove Trade Notes: The Conant Stove,” The Metal Worker 2 December 1893, p. 45 – engraved from a photograph of a stove then still surviving in Vermont. Note the ash-pit below the front of the firebox and extending under the hearth, covered with a sliding section of the hearth plate. This design feature was patented by William James in 1824 (3854X), which is no proof that he originated it; but everybody copied it anyway. It enabled the fire to be cleaned out more easily, or coals to be dragged forward to allow the grilling of meat.

[HJH Sept. 2015: a question -- sources are clear that Conant & Broughton (his father-in-law) started manufacturing stoves in 1819, even before the furnace was built.  However, there was only one Conant patent, 1823, but Hall (1821) refers to "patent stoves" from the outset.  So what were they making?  Jameses under license?  William Keep's research was the source of the above illustration, which he assumed to be of the 1823 patent.]


Stoves were already coming into use in upstate Vermont: ten-plates were made in smaller quantities at other local furnaces in Bennington and Pittsford, and proper cook-stoves (i.e. with boiling holes), probably James's, were manufactured from Pennsylvania castings in Troy, over a hundred miles to the south, and teamed into the backcountry. But Conant's was better suited for its intended customers than a plain ten-plate, and probably cheaper than Troy stoves too, because of the efficiency of integrated production at one site and the fact that he was closer to his market. In 1823 he improved his stove by lowering its main cooking surface, and raising the oven and a secondary cooking surface above and behind it, in order to make it easier for housewives to adapt to it from open-hearth cooking by reducing the amount of heavy lifting of their old iron pots that they would have to do. Cooking could now be done on the low front hearth, either cooking surface, or in the oven, heated directly from the fire chamber and surrounded by direct-draft flues on the other three sides (Figure #2.13). His “step stove” design became another region-wide generic type, cheap, simple, and popular with rural consumers in areas with plenty of firewood. Thanks in large part to it, his business grew large enough to accommodate two of his sons, Chauncey Washington (b. 1799), who managed the furnace, and John Adams (b. 1800; Figure #2.12), who ran the office, in a family partnership that survived from 1822 through the 1840s, and had already brought them “riches that princes might envy” by 1829. They raised their output to 250 tons of castings per year by 1831 and more than 800 by 1845.4

The Conants' business, like Hoxie's, was originally mostly local, because of the difficulty and cost of overland transportation: it was a thirteen-day round-trip by road to Boston, about 190 miles away. But this began to change after the opening of the Champlain Canal in 1823. Brandon was only about twenty miles east of the lake, and it now became possible for the Conants to reach out to customers across the region with an affordable wagon haul to Whitehall, then a canal boat to Troy, a river boat to New York, and a coastal packet to Boston or Portland, Maine, followed by another wagon haul or river-boat trip inland.5

1 Hemenway from Anderson G. Dana, "Brandon," in Abby M. Hemenway, ed., The Vermont Historical Gazetteer: A Magazine Embracing a History of Each Town (Claremont, NH: Claremont Mfg. Co., 1877), Vol. 3, pp. 423-61 at p. 435; Edward T. James et al., eds., Notable American Women (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), p. 178.

2 Henry P. Smith and William S. Rann, eds., History of Rutland County Vermont: with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Some of Its Prominent Men & Pioneers (Syracuse: D. Mason & Co., 1886), pp. 169, 199-200, 390, 478, 488-9, 574; Augusta W. Kellogg, "The Town of Brandon, Vermont," The New England Magazine 1 Nov. 1897, pp. 293-309 at pp. 295-6; Edward Hitchcock et al., Report on the Geology of Vermont: Descriptive, Theoretical, Economic, and Scenographical (Proctorsville, VT: Albert D. Hager, 1861), Vol. 2, p. 823 [quote].

3 Hall, “Notice of Iron Mines and Manufactures in Vermont, and of Some Localities of Earthy Minerals [April 12, 1821]," American Journal of Science, and Arts 4:1 (1822): 23-5, quotations pp. 24-5; Keep, “History of Heating Apparatus,” pp. 82-3.

4 Frederick Hall, “Notice of Ores of Iron and Manganese, and of Yellow Ochre, in Vermont [1 Dec. 1820]," American Journal of Science, and Arts 3:1 (1821): 57-8; John A. Conant's recollections from Dana, "Brandon," in Hemenway, ed., The Vermont Historical Gazetteer, Vol. 3, pp. 423-61 at p. 435; Keep, “History of Heating Apparatus,” p. 182; Frederick O. Conant, A History and Genealogy of the Conant Family in England and America, Thirteen Generations, 1520-1887 (Portland, ME: Privately Printed, 1887), pp. 297-301; William Dunlap, History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States (New York: George P. Scott & C., 1834), Vol. 1, p. 304 [quote]; The American Advertising Directory, for Manufacturers and Dealers in American Goods: for the Year 1831 (New York: Jocelyn, Darling & Co., 1831), p. 25; Chauncey W. Conant, “Letter” (7 Oct. 1845) in Charles B. Adams, First Annual Report on the Geology of the State of Vermont (Burlington: Chauncey Goodrich, 1845), pp. 84-5.

5 Smith and Rann, eds., History of Rutland County, p. 490. The Brandon Iron Company records at the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, contain letters from John A. Conant to Henry W. Miller, a stove dealer in Worcester, MA, 1835-38, and offer numerous insights into stove marketing in the 1830s. For example, if Miller required an overland delivery after the Champlain canal had closed with ice, he had to pay an additional $10 a ton (about 16 percent of the wholesale price) – Conant to Miller, 21 Mar. 1836.


[In the biography of Nelson Thayer, p. 432, it was noted that in about 1824 he "purchased the first cooking stove ever taken to (Wardsboro, a small settlement in the hills of south-east Vermont), and people came for miles to see it.  His wife had been accustomed (probably in Rupert, near the New York boundary) to using a stove before her marriage and found it a severe test on her patience to cook at a fireplace."


 
Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Cooking. X7333. 1832. 126/1R   

Stanley was the most important stove inventor and maker to emerge in Vermont, his business in the 1830s surpassing even the Conants'.  His stoves sold nationwide and influenced many other makers to imitate or attempt to improve on them.

Here's the text from my Chapter 5:


An even more successful example of a similar strategy [integration of manufacture at a foundry with direct sale to consumers] did not enjoy the protection of distance from the main sources of stove supply, but depended instead on the quality of its innovative products, as well as on the dramatic improvements to internal transportation that took place in the 1820s. These enabled a Vermont machine-builder, Henry Stanley (b. 1795), to reach out and invade the urban markets of the seaboard in head-to-head competition with established manufacturer-wholesalers themselves.

Stanley, originally a maker of wool-carding and cloth-dressing equipment in the small, stagnant town of Poultney (about twenty-five miles south of Conant in Brandon), turned disaster into opportunity in 1829 when a fire destroyed his machine-building facilities and left him with nothing but the foundry he had recently erected, reputedly the first in the state to use anthracite as its fuel. So he started making stoves, then just “coming into general use,” instead. At first he manufactured from other designers' patterns, and also produced prize-winning “handsome ... very light and smooth” cast-iron cooking utensils which he sold through dealers on New York's Water Street. Stanley relied on the Champlain Canal, completed in 1827 and at its nearest just ten miles west of Poultney at Whitehall, New York, to connect him with this market.1

By 1832 he had invented his own cooking stove, with a literally revolutionary layout. It was quite unlike most others, which had hardly any moving parts. But Stanley was a machinist, and his rotary stove featured a crank-operated turntable top, which enabled the cook to control cooking temperature by moving the pots closer to or further away from the hottest parts of the fire, and, like Conant's step-stove design a decade earlier, minimized heavy lifting (Figure 5.#). It was also craftily designed to permit the easy replacement of the parts subject to the most wear, something important to win the confidence of consumers buying an expensive new item of essential household equipment and living tens or hundreds of miles away from the maker. [See this 1834 advertisement in a Hudson Valley newspaper, for the stove's many claimed advantages.] 2



Figure 5.#: Henry Stanley's rotary-top cooking stoves, Patents 7333X (1832) and 4238 (1845). The first picture (with turntable removed) shows its original derivation from low-topped flat step stoves like Conant's (Figure 2.#); the second is its mature version, with a large oven and downdraft flues G like other stoves of the 1840s. (U.S. Patent and Trademark Office.)  In Stanley's original model, no oven is shown on the design, but one could be sited at N in the usual position behind the fire, or a reflector oven (tin kitchen) could be placed on the hearth plate.

Stanley acquired a blast furnace of his own, the Mount Hope, about eight miles outside Fort Ann, New York, on the Champlain Canal south of Whitehall, thereby securing his pig iron supply. He went on to establish sales outlets in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Troy, run by other family members, and to become one of the most distinctive and also successful stove makers in the emerging national market of the 1830s. 

A part of Stanley's competitive advantage depended on the control he enjoyed over all stages of manufacturing. His stoves' Albany distributor claimed in 1838 that “the quality of the castings and general workmanship of them, is unequalled by any other in this country.”  The best that other firms not doing their own casting could promise at the time was that they gave careful directions to the furnace or foundry making their stoves, and inspected the work in progress. Stanley's production system was a variation on the usual decentralized pattern, but with one crucial difference: furnace, foundry, and factory were all owned and managed by the same few men, and the transactions among them were all internal to the firm and coordinated by it. Castings were packed flat in boxes and barrels at the foundry, teamed to Whitehall, floated to the Hudson on their own dedicated canal boat, the “Rotary,” and shipped downriver from Troy for his brothers to assemble, finish, and sell at their waterfront wholesale and retail depots.3

Sales of Stanley's stoves spread far beyond the East Coast territories that he supplied from his own foundry, because he also licensed his design (at $5 per stove) to be made and sold in markets that he could not easily reach. For example, 3,000 were produced in Cincinnati alone between 1832 and 1839, where its local maker claimed that “in the parts of the country where it had been introduced, it had superseded all others.” [In 1837, his dealer in Cleveland claimed that "Those who have used them say that they are superior to any others."] By the early 1840s the Stanleys were even making direct sales in the Midwest themselves: stove merchants in south-east Michigan were their second-largest group of customers, after New York's, and they were also doing a significant trade in Wisconsin and Illinois.4

But they lost control of their overextended business at the pit of the post-Panic depression in 1842. Henry Stanley was “enterprising” and “intensely active,” though let down by a “want of caution” -- or simply of luck. His firm came spectacularly unstuck, with liabilities of $82,274 ($55.1 million at 2014 values, using the nominal GDP per capita method of comparison), the largest business failure in the New York stove trade. This was not the end of his career as a stove inventor, but from now on he depended on other companies to licence his patents and make his products. Ironically, by the time that Stanley's thirteen-year experiment in vertical integration of all stages of manufacture and distribution of stoves bit the dust, the pattern of business organization that he had helped pioneer was becoming the industry's new norm.5

1 Joseph Joslin, Barnes Frisbie, and Frederick Ruggles, A History of the Town of Poultney, Vermont: From Its Settlement to the Year 1875 (Poultney: Journal Printing Office, 1875), pp. 53 [population], 95-97 [quote], 298; The The American Advertising Directory [1831], p. 117, for his hollowware.

2 Stanley's key patents were “Cooking Stove,” 7333X (1832), “Revolving Cooking Stove,” 9282X (1835), and [same title], 91 (1836). Stanley & Co., Remarks and Directions for using Stanley's Patented Rotary Cooking Stove: For Sale at No. 50 S. Calvert-street Baltimore, by Stanley & Co., and at No. 6 Chesnut-street, Philadelphia, by John P.E. Stanley & Co. (Baltimore: Sands & Neilson, 1834), for a full description in probably the oldest surviving stove instruction-manual, essential because Stanley's stove was so different in operation from any other. [1834 Cincinnati; 1835 New York]

3 William W. Mather, Geology of New-York (Albany, NY: Carroll & Cook, 1843), Part 1, pp. 575-6; D. Kittle advertisement, Albany Evening Journal 1 Feb. 1838, p. 1 [quote], cf. J. & A. Fellows ad., same page; Stanley & Co.'s operations reconstructed from their 1843 Bankruptcy, Box 155, File 2099. The file is unusually rich, including small debts for unpaid wages to laborers, farmers, teamsters, and others in the villages along the Vermont-New York border area where they were based, as well as to their trade creditors in Troy, New York, and Baltimore. It also contains an inventory of the Water Street depot in New York, which contained both a steam-powered stove-finishing and assembly shop and the varied assortment of completed stoves, spare parts, and kitchen accessories vital for its wholesale and retail business. The assessed value of the stock and equipment was almost $8,000.

4 Stanley v. Whipple (1839), reported in James B. Robb, compiler, A Collection of Patent Cases Decided in the Circuit and Supreme Courts of the United States (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1854), Vol. 2, pp. 1-10, provides details of his licensing arrangements and Cincinnati sales [quotation at p. 5]; Stanley Bankruptcy, Schedule A, 25 Feb. 1843, for the geographical distribution of the firm's $32,000 worth of outstanding trade accounts.

5 Stanley Bankruptcy, Schedule A, 25 Feb. 1843, for liabilities; Joslin et al., History of the Town of Poultney, p. 353 [quote]. Stanley had moved to Albany by the time of his 1845 heating-stove patent 3876 (“Stanley's Coal Burner”), and assigned it to Charles Eddy, a Troy stove maker, whose firm valued it enough to reissue it in 1860 in order to maintain their exclusive rights (Reissues 944, 958, and 1078). Stanley himself went into a new business in Troy that also depended on high-quality charcoal-iron castings, the manufacture of railroad car wheels – Freedley, Leading Pursuits, p. 323.



Further information about Stanley and his stove, September 2015:

 
TBA


Town, Elisha. Montpelier. Stove, Cooking. 7871X. 1833. 126/2


"Elisha Town's Improved Crane Stove."  The drawings are of the revised (1836) version of his patent including a removable furnace (for charcoal or, more probably, anthracite) fitting underneath the oven of his baking stove.  This was designed, though the patent was silent about its purpose, to enable the oven and large rear boiler hole to be used in summer, with less fuel consumption and a correspondingly reduced amount of heat in the kitchen.  The distinctive features of the original and improved versions of the Crane Stove were the swinging covers, or "cranes," for the front two boiler holes.  They served a similar purpose to the turntable top on Stanley's stove, allowing the cook to regulate the heat applied to a vessel by moving it away from the fire.  Apart from these, Town's was a pretty standard step-stove, apart perhaps from the double plates, with an air gap between them, at the front of the oven.  The intention of these was to prevent a hot spot within the oven, and (probably) reduce the problem of burning out of the oven plate immediately behind the fire, a weak spot in any stove design.  Other step-stove designers in the 1830s attempted to achieve the same object with slightly different means of reinforcing and/or insulating the vulnerable plate.  

Town's was evidently a commercial product rather than a design destined to get no further than the Patent Office.  Jonathan Wainwright, a local manufacturer and dealer, explained and highlighted its advantages in an advertisement.  It was, he claimed, a stove "that will make its way into almost every family. This stove takes in a large round boiler back, and two smaller in front, that can be swung off the fire: a convenience not found in other stoves -- also, has a Furnace attached underneath that can be used without heating the whole stove, and will be found very convenient for summer use -- has a large oven, and taken altogether will be found a perfect stove."  Wainwright operated his own furnace, which probably answers the question about how the impecunious Town managed to get his stoves made and sold.  [Jonathan Wainwright ad., Burlington Free Press 30 Nov. 1838, p. 3 -- this ad ran until 1 Mar. 1839, i.e. throughout one stove sales season, but it is the only such advertisement for Town's stoves in the Vermont newspapers in the Library of Congress's collection, which suggests that Wainwright may have had exclusive rights to the stove but did not find it went as well as he had hoped.]


Town, Elisha. Montpelier. Cook Stove /..., Rotary. X8206. 1834. 126/1R



However successful or otherwise Town's Crane Stove may have been, as a design and/or as a commercial product, he determined in the following year to compete with Henry Stanley even more directly, producing a rotary of his own.  It differed from Stanley's in being operated, not by rack and pinion, but by raising and lowering the whole top stove plate with the foot-operated lever C projecting at the side of the stove.  Town did not explain how the plate was supposed to be rotated once it had been elevated -- probably by the cook giving a hefty push to the hot iron, balancing on one leg while the other held the lever down; a tricky operation made all the less pleasant by the smoke and heat pouring into the kitchen at waist level while the stove top was raised.  This cannot have been a very attractive feature of it, though the quality of the seal between the top of Stanley's stove and the rim it sat on cannot have been perfect either.  


* * *

Elisha Town was "a most ingenious inventive Cabinet Maker" with a history of coomercially unsuccessful mechanical invention stretching back more than twenty years.  He was, according to the town historian, writing in 1860, a "genius."  "Montpelier [the state's capital, second-largest town, and biggest center of manufacturing and trade] never produced, and it is doubtful whether the whole state ever produced, a man of a more truly inventive mind. But his book knowledge of mechanics and previous mechanical inventions, was quite limited; and he was known to have studied out principles and spent much time in building machines for their application to inventions, which,though perfectly original in him, were found, at last, to have been long before made and put in operation by others. And although he was continually getting up something new, yet we now find his name coupled with no invention of much importance... Like most men of inventive genius, he was through life emphatically poor, but was ever esteemed, up to the time of his death a few years ago, a most inoffensive and worthy citizen."  Announcing his last patent, in 1837 -- a device to enable railroad locomotives to climb steep inclines -- the Vermont Telegraph, of Brandon, used similarly respectful language to praise the efforts of "our worthy and persevering fellow citizen." ["Vermont Against the World," 30 Aug. 1837, p. 3]

This is probably not how he appeared to Henry Stanley, against whom he and his son appeared as principal witnesses in an important week-long and widely-reported patent-violation suit in 1836.  Henry Hewitt (whom I have not been able to trace yet) had been making and selling direct copies of Stanley's stove -- recording at least a hundred sales in Vermont alone before being detected and sued -- and defended himself by arguing, amongst other things, that the principle of the rotary had been invented by Town in 1823-1824, and that he had even had a prototype of it cast.  Stanley counter-argued "that Town's stove, whatever it was, was useless, and had been abandoned as such; and that the plaintiff had no knowledge of it when he made his invention and improvement, and that his stove, in all the important improvements by him claimed, was wholly unlike Town's stove..."  However, the judge found defects in Stanley's patent, and voided it, opening the field to other imitators.


A search of the Library of Congress's entire online newspaper collection finds no results for "Town rotary stove," while there are 168 results for "rotary stove" 1836-1845 in Vermont newspapers alone.  This suggests that (a) Town's Rotary was never made and sold, and (b) its patent may not even have been intended for this purpose, but rather as a means of undermining Stanley's, which it certainly helped to do. 


Fairbanks, Thaddeus. St. Johnsbury. Stove, Cooking. X8763. 1835. 126/1R
 


This stove was a combination of quite traditional features -- it looked like a square or oval ten-plate stove, with just two boiler holes; its smoke pipe was in the same inconvenient central location as on the 1815 William James design; and it had a small, letterbox-shaped oven -- and some that were up-to-date: the "sunk hearth," the location of the fire above the level of the oven, and a downdraft flue system, all of which would be standard features of most cooking stoves from the 1840s onwards.

Thaddeus Fairbanks (1796-1866) was born in Massachusetts but settled in St. Johnsbury, the largest town in north-eastern Vermont, in 1815.  His father had a grist mill, and he set up a wheelwright's shop in the same building.  In 1823 he opened a small foundry, and in 1824 went into business with his brother Erastus, manufacturing stoves and farm implements.  "For stoves and ploughs he made the patterns largely with his own hands, moulded many of them, improved the blast [actually a cupola] furnace, and attended to the melting, mixing the iron, and studying how to make strong castings."  Their path to riches, fame, and honors resulted from their invention of the platform scale, because of dissatisfaction with those that were available to their business at the time.  By the time Thaddeus patented this stove one or both brothers had already patented a cast-iron plough (4404X, 1826 -- Thaddeus); a flax and hemp dresser (6149X, 1830 -- Thaddeus and Ethan H. Nichols); and taken out their key scales patents (6573X and 8046X, 1831; 6941X, 7225X, and 8047X, 1832).

Fairbanks's stoves were certainly made and sold.  Their Burlington dealer advertised them thus in 1838:  they were "an article well worthy the attention of the public.  They are considered by those who have used them, as decidedly superior to any other Cooking Stove now in use."  This was, of course, more or less the same claim as any dealer made about any stove he handled and promoted.  There were no further Fairbanks stove patents, but advertisements for the sale of his "Diving Flue" stoves continued for the next decade.  The company had already been specializing in weighing scales for years, so it is a bit anomalous that he should apparently have reverted to a line of business that had been more important to his firm a decade earlier.  However, it must have been profitable if it was continued so long.


Gore, jr, E. Guilford. Stove, Cooking. X9026. 1835. Burnt.            

Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Revolving cooking. X9282. 1835. Burnt.



Perry, P.F. Rockingham. Stove, Cooking. X9794. 1836. 126/1R



This was a strange but practicable little "portable furnace" (2 feet wide x 1 foot deep and 1 high excepting the legs) for inserting into a small fireplace and doing a limited amount of cooking in its two 9" boiler holes.  It had no oven, so could only bake in a tin kitchen placed in front of it on the hearth.


Granger, Chester. Pittsford. Stove, Cooking. X9875. 1836. 126/1R   



Granger took out his rotary stove patent after Stanley's had been voided as a result of the judge's decision in the Hewitt case.  The text is a long, detailed, and complicated description, not helped by a drawing providing no information about the stove's internal structure and workings.  In essence it seems to be a closer imitation of the Town patent than of Stanley's, lacking the former's impractical lever action to raise and rotate the turntable, but also the latter's rack and pinion to move it easily.  Instead it had roller bearings, which were supposed to make it possible to turn the hot stove top by hand.  Otherwise, it's a very standard flat cook stove, with sunk hearth and a side door for feeding wood into the firebox.

Chester Granger (b. 1797) came to Pittsford from the Salisbury, Connecticut, iron district in 1826, to join his father Simeon who had bought a blast furnace producing pig iron and stoves which was where the first Conant stoves had been made in 1819.  In 1829 they built a foundry for stove-making near the blast furnace.  The Grangers were important local citizens -- the community that grew up around their works, a mile out of town along Furnace Road, is still called Grangerville.  Simeon died in 1834, and Chester took over as the leading member of the family partnerships that continued to run and develop it until after the Civil War.  Chester was remembered at the end of his long life as an ironmaster, bank director, and railroad promoter as "a man of energy, public spirit, and sterling integrity, and many a poor person can testify as to his private charity and benevolence."  As in the case of Elisha Town, it is unlikely that Henry Stanley would have spoken as kindly of him, and certainly not in 1836.  Granger's stoves were advertised and sold, for example in Brattleboro and vicinity in the 1837-1838 seasons, but it's not clear that his patent rotary and the "celebrated conical stove" were one and the same; it is however possible that the curious raised collars forming the boiler holes on the top of the stove gave it its name, to distinguish it from all of the other rotaries thronging the market.




Town, Elisha. Montpelier. Stove, Crane cooking. No. 37.    1836. 126/211; 206/1.5 

This was not a new patent, just an amended reissue of his original 7871X of 1833, which had been voided like Stanley's for errors in its claims.


Spaulding, Samuel Brown. Brandon. Stove, Cooking. No. 83. 1836. 126/1R; 126/154


Spaulding's was another modified step-stove with a few distinctive features:

(a) the four boiler holes were made from concentric rings of cast iron so that they could take pots of different sizes -- a common feature at the time, when households had a mixture of new and old utensils which had not yet been sized uniformly to fit in e.g. 7" or 9" holes; 

(b) the drawing does not show this, but between each pair of holes there was a removable cross-piece, enabling a large oval water boiler to be inserted with both covers removed too; 

(c) Spaulding had his own solution to the "burning out of the front oven plate" problem, a removable heavy plate [P in the top drawing]; 

(d) he made the front door of his firebox from sliding slats, EE and FF in their open and closed positions, to control the draft and also permit a "pleasant and cheerful" view of the fire if wanted.  This was a cheaper and more durable solution than the alternative adopted in late models of the Woolson stove, to have mica windows.  Finally 

(e) he had his own mechanical answer to the problem of varying the amount of heat applied to cooking utensils in the front two boiler holes over the fire.  In Town's Crane Stove they could be swung away from the fire; in Spaulding's the fire itself could be raised or lowered by his rack-and-pinion mechanism.

All I can find about Spaulding is that he was a "prominent merchant" in Brandon, born 1789, died 1851.



Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Revolving Cooking. No. 91. 1836. 126/1AA; 126/211           

As with Town's No. 37, not a new patent but an amended text for the voided old one, i.e. what would later be termed a reissue.  There is no new drawing with this patent, but the text has the great advantage of being printed.


Richardson, James. Poultney. Stove, Cooking. No. 310. 1837. 126/1A           

Not a very interesting stove, and hardly worth pulling the drawing across from the PTO website to take up  space here -- click the link to see it.  An ordinary square, flat cook stove with a few distinctive features designed to improve draught under the oven and equalize temperature within it.  As with Stanley's it makes an explicit mention of its adaptability to burn anthracite as well as wood -- an important indicator of change in Vermont urban fuel markets by the mid-1830s.  Richardson's design was also suitable for stoves with revolving tops, so it would be interesting to know what relationship he had with the Stanley firm (if any).  Neither he nor either of the witnesses to his patent shows up among the firm's 116 Vermont creditors, 1838-1843.  But Richardson was a Poultney cabinet maker and (probably) pattern maker too.  He and his two witnesses all joined with Stanley in setting up the Bank of Poultney in 1839-40, but this may signify nothing more than that they were all small-town businessmen who knew and were used to working with one another. 
 


Strickland, Horace. Bradford.    Stoves, Management of the draft, &c., in cooking. No. 1651. 1840. 126/1AE
  


A peculiar-looking modification of the standard flat, square stove, with
 

(a) an air space between the fire box and the oven, to prevent the plates burning out, and
 

(b) a couple of small furnaces, i.e. small hibachi-like contrivances with their own independent fires sited on top of the stove towards the back and venting through the regular chimney.  These were particularly useful in summer, because small cooking tasks could be undertaken without using much fuel or overheating the kitchen, but they also provided two additional boiler or griddle holes at any time of the year.  

Strickland's stove may have been idiosyncratic, but it was practical and saleable: in 1841 one manufacturer and dealer advertised it as "the best article for cooking now offered to the public," and the fact that another foundry enterprise had bought the right to make it testifies to its value; as late as 1844 his stoves were still being sold alongside Fairbanks's.  Strickland was a Bradford foundry operator who had entered the business in a small way in about 1834 and stayed in it for most of his life, growing a quite diverse wood and metal-working enterprise.  His principal trade was in plows and other agricultural implements.



Tilden, Lester. Barre. Stove with elevated oven, Cooking. No. 1698. 1840. 126/17
 * Tilden, L. Barre. Stove, Cooking. 1843.    DISCLAIMER (at the end of the above patent record)



Tilden's is the first Vermont example of a fairly new and quite popular stove type, the "elevated oven," widely available from about 1837-1838.   Conventional stoves required complex arrangements of internal flues and dampers to enable the cook to direct the heat to the boiler holes or the oven, and the use of one could compromise the working of the other.  In an elevated oven stove the heat of the smoke escaping up the chimney was utilized in a sheet-iron oven which could also be larger and perhaps more convenient and economical than in a regular stove.  Tilden's had a wide rather than deep cooking surface, more like a range than a stove, and three large boiler-holes.  This also meant that it would take wood 3 feet long in the firebox, an advantage over the normal stove because it meant less cross-cutting for the farmer to do.

The Tildens were an important Barre family, and Lester went into business with his brothers Harvey and Webber to manufacture and sell his stove.  It was sufficiently valuable for them to advertise it widely.  At the start of the 1840 stove-buying season their announcement "Clear the Way for Tilden's  Improved Cooking Stove!" spells out the brothers' claims on their stove's behalf:
This stove unites great simplicity of construction with economy and convenience in all its operations, and has even exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its inventor, also given the most perfect satisfaction to all who have used it. The fire arch of this stove is large and will take in wood three feet in length. -- there are three boilers arranged over this arch in such a manner that they come in immediate contact with the fire.  Opposite and directly back of these boilers are three pillars which support the oven. This oven is large and of a beautiful construction, and is elevated fifteen inches above the top plate. Inside of these [pillars] are three  valves or dampers so constructed that the heat may be thrown into any part of the stove at pleasure, thus enabling the user to bring the heat to bear upon any one or all of the boilers at the same time
Of course, if a stove was worth advertising, it was also worth copying, and this happened immediately, another Barre firm produced their own version, which they called The Farmers Cooking Stove after they had tried unsuccessfully to persude the Tildens to sell them a right to manufacture it for $200.  They pointed to a feature that, they claimed, Tilden's shared with one of Town's old stoves, in order to challenge its novelty.  They also asserted that Tilden had basically stolen the design from another inventor, Darius S. Rowell, adding the feature from Town's stove, and winning a race with Rowell to get his design patented first.  [See L. & W. Tilden & Co., "Facts for the People," vs. E.A. Webb & Co., Montpelier, "Stoves!!!" Vermont Watchman and State Journal, 7 Dec. 1840, p. 4; and, at even greater length, and with much colourful language, as well as a picture of the stove, J.L. and G.C. Robinson, "More Light! More Light! More Light! Statement of Facts Never Before Communicated!" vs. L.W. Tilden & Co., "A Brief Reply to Folks Up Salt River," Vermont Watchman 25 Jan. 1841, p. 3.]

The outcome of this dispute is unclear -- if the suit ever went to trial, it was unreported, like all but a few stove patent cases -- but in March 1843 the Tilden brothers filed a disclaimer, denying that  their patent depended on the plate they were challenged with having copied from Town.  There may be an answer in the PTO files (if any) on this patent in the NS National Archives, but on the face of it it seems that their patent still had a value to them in 1843, and that they were able to correct the vulnerability that the Robinsons had identified.  


Chase, Samuel Logan. Woodstock. Stove, Cooking. No. 1799. 1840. 126/13
* Chase, Samuel L. Woodstock. Stove, Cooking. RE35. 1841. 126/13. REISSUE      





Chase called this his "Rarefier Cooking-Stove."  The distinctive features were the arrangements of flues around the ovens of his stoves (they came in two- and four-oven variants) and the rigging up of an additional two cooking-holes on the front hearth, which could be swung out of the way when not in use.  Chase had to clarify (amend via reissue) his patent claims the following year.

Chase sold the right to manufacture and sell the stove within Windsor County to Titus Hutchinson, Jr., a local foundry operator.  It was advertised as "Operating Upon A Principle Entirely New," true enough given that its ovens and flues were quite unlike those in other stoves made at the time, and also as being extremely economical, using just a quarter of the fuel others required to do a similar amount of cooking.  Hutchinson rounded up endorsements from several satisfied local customers to support these claims.  [Hutchinson ad., "Save Your Fuel," The Spirit of the Age [Woodstock] 5 March 1841, p. 3.]  

There is no evidence, from advertisements, of its having been sold more widely across Vermont, or for more than a season.  The swinging hearth was picked up by other stove designers, but what Chase thought of as his key fuel-saving features were not.  Possibly his ovens, while multiple and efficient, were just too small for consumers by the 1840s, who expected more capacity.


Bean, Alexander F. Woodstock. Stove, Cooking & heating. No. 2156. 1841. 126/13


A quite bizarre stove including a heat-exchanger (the structure at the rear left) enabling it to serve as a sort of warm-air furnace, heating upstairs rooms, and an elevated oven f.  Perhaps its most interesting feature was that it incorporated, and claimed to improve on, Chase's swinging hearth, clearly the most attractive and imitable feature of his stove.  There is no evidence that this turned from an over-complicated design into a merchantable product.  Dual- or even triple-function stoves (to cook, heat, and in at least one New Hampshire case, generate gas for illumination at the same time) were attractive notions for American inventors, but rather less popular with makers and consumers.


Chase, Samuel L. Woodstock. Stove, Cooking. No. 2216. 1841. 126/13




A simpler and probably cheaper stove than his 1840 model, with four boiler holes on two levels and small twin ovens E, rather inconveniently located at the rear, and including his swinging hearth.  Interestingly, Alexander Bean was one of the witnesses to this patent, alongside Chase's experienced patent agent Thomas P. Jones, so they were probably associates, which would help explain why Bean had adopted Chase's swinging hearth.


Spaulding, Samuel B. Brandon. Ovens with stoves, Combining elevated . No. 2235. 1841. 126/17

Simply a means of attaching an elevated oven to a stove not originally designed to have one -- a small, useful fitting.  The only reference I can find to Spaulding's patents turning into saleable products may concern this one.  In November 1843 Clark Rich, a Shoreham merchant, informed potential customers that he stocked "all the best NOTION, and other Cook, parlor, and box Stoves, cast at Brandon and Pittsford [i.e. by Conant and Granger]; particularly the [Conant] Yankee Notion Cook Stoves with Spaulding's patent ovens."



Stanley, Henry. Poultney, W. Oven Valve. No. 2664. 1842. 126/19R

Valves to control the flow of flue gas into and around elevated ovens.

 

Bartholomew, Moses. Vershire. Stove with elevated oven, Cooking. No. 2699. 1842. 126/2


Another oddity -- the "conjoined furnace stove," for wood or coal.  Bartholomew's USP was to have two fireboxes, one just for the large front boiler hole, the other for the two at the rear, which could be used separately or together.  The rear firebox could even be subdivided, to run just one boiler hole.  This was a (generally unwanted, in practice) answer to the common problem of what to do when you did not want to do much cooking or, in summer, to pour undesired heat into the kitchen.  Consumers' usual techniques seem to have been simpler than inventors' -- having a small, separate "furnace" for stewing and grilling, in or outside; buying a parlor stove adapted to do a little cooking, in a way that compromised its function less than modifying a cook stove to be more flexible in its fuel consumption and heat output; and, as stoves became lighter, simply moving them to a porch, lean-to, or "summer kitchen" outside when it became intolerable to cook indoors.  

Batholomew's elevated oven had one useful new feature, doors at both ends making it easier to clean.  The drawing is helpful to us, too, because it allows us to see the construction of the oven through the open door -- concentric ovals of sheet iron, meaning that the oven was entirely surrounded in hot flue gases and had fewer problems of hot and cold spots than a conventional oven.  His two-column arrangement is also very reminiscent of the highly decorated parlor stoves flooding onto the market at the same time (see this post).  There is no evidence that this stove was ever made or sold.  

Moses Bartholomew (1788-1856) was ""the most extensive farmer in his locality.  His wonderful energy and thoroughness are illustrated by the miles of stone wall he built, which will apparently stand until some earthquake dislodges the stones.  He owned and operated several mills, but gave much of his time to public affairs, being frequently elected selectman, representative, etc.  He was noted for his honesty and integrity.  Was a whig and republican, and a member of the Baptist Church."  Bartholomew was the sort of amateur, one-time patentee who flourished during the Age of Democratic Invention, but quite unlike his more successful Vermont contemporaries in terms of his lack of connection to the stove business, and the fact that he lived in a rural backwater with no local iron industry.  In these respects he was more like his peers in New Hampshire next door.


Spaulding, Samuel B. Brandon. Stove with elevated oven. No. 3021. 1843. 126/17

 
This looked like a perfectly conventional four-boiler step stove with elevated oven, but in fact Spaulding had done something rather clever, enlarging the smoke flue at the back of stove to make it big enough to contain a small firebox.  This was a neat way of enabling the cook to adapt to doing small amounts of work without having to light the main fire, as he explained:


 
It is possible that this, not his earlier elevated oven patent, is the one referred to in 1843 advertisements, which suggest that Spaulding probably sold the right to use his patents to his neighbours the Conants.


Fairbanks, Thaddeus. St. Johnsbury. Stovepipe, Creating Draft in Flue. No. 3100. 1843. 126/312; 110/160; 454/39 

Not really a stove patent, despite its name -- more applicable to industrial boilers and furnaces, particularly those using anthracite fuel.



Bradley, Jeptha. Saint Albans. Air-heating furnace. No. 3636. 1844. 126/6



An unusual kind of warm-air furnace in that it was intended for wood, not anthracite, as its fuel, so it was a long box containing the fire and the heat exchanger encased in an insulating outer shell, rather than the usual pot-bellied coal stove sitting in a brick or iron air chamber.  Bradley (1802-1864), a lawyer by training, has a Wikipedia entry, largely on  account of his local political career.  Wiki contains what may be an explanation for why he designed this furnace: he "was one of the founders of the Horticultural Society for the Valley of Lake Champlain in 1850," and particularly interested in fruit-growing.  His furnace looks more appropriate for the glasshouse than the dwelling.

 

Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Coal. No. 3876. 1845. 126/75
* Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Coal. 1859. EXTENSION        * Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Heating Stove, Coal. RE944. 1860. REISSUE
* Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Coal. RE958. 1860. REISSUE


A great departure for Stanley, and for Vermont stove inventors in general -- a heating stove, not a cook stove; and something that was grand and decorative, rather than utilitarian and functional.  "Stanley's Coal-Burner" demonstrated that, even after his firm's insolvency, Stanley was thinking of the national, and not merely a local, market.  To meet the needs of middle-class urban consumers across the North, and to produce a design he could sell to Hudson Valley manufacturers now that he was no longer able to turn his own ideas directly into products at his own foundry, he suited it to the fuel of choice, anthracite, and he adopted the aesthetic of the multi-columnar heating stove.  The evidence of his success is in his patent's history of extension for an additional seven years in 1859, and reissue -- in April 1860 by his assignors (i.e. the men who had bought his patent), and again in May, making further changes in what they claimed on its behalf, by Charles Eddy and Jacob Shavor, Troy stove makers.  It's not clear whether, by then, its enduring value was as the basis of a saleable product, or instead as intellectual property to be deployed in patent violation wars between producers of that highly profitable must-have new appliance for the middle-class home, the base-burner.


Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove, Rotary-top. No. 4238. 1845. 126/1E; 126/211


See picture above.  Demonstrates how Stanley had updated his rotary stove to meet the changing requirements of the market for a lareg downdraft-flue oven occupying the entire body of the stove, apart from the firebox.


Stanley, Henry. Poultney. Stove. D40. 1845. D23/346



Another new departure: the first (and, in the 1840s, only) Vermont example of the new type of patent, for designs rather than improvements.  Again, for a decorative parlor stove.  The patent itself does not say who bought (assigned) Stanley's patent, but this stove certainly was made, in large enough numbers for museums and private collectors to have them nowadays.  For examples, see: 

 
Conclusions: 

TBA